CULTURAL PROFILE OF DR. FOUZIA SAEED
Area of specialization: Women in Folklore
Dr Fouzia Saeed, with a PhD in Education from University of Minnesota, USA, has been working on women’s issues in the field of folklore, development and social change. Her career started as a Deputy Director Research at the Institute of Folk and Traditional Heritage (Lok Virsa), where she developed and supervised a folklore research program and contributed to improvement of the folklore archives and the library of the Institute. She herself has done research on various aspects of folklore, through the Institute and on her own. The book, Women in Folk Theatre, is the most well known of her work at Lok Virsa. This captures descriptions of the tradition of folk theatre through women’s eyes and their experiences. She has done research on other entertainment forms like folk circus, folk dances and folk natak (drama), and has mostly focused on women’s experiences in each of them.
Her book, Taboo, is an ethnography that captures the fading traditional systems of prostitution in South Asia, with their close relationships with classical music and dance, as they are steadily replaced by the more exploitative modern brothel systems. The book was published in English and Urdu by Oxford Press and has been translated into Hindi and Marathi by nonprofit groups in India. A Japanese translation will be out soon.
Her research on traditional woodcraft and furniture of D. I Khan, one of the traditional furniture producing centers, exemplifies her work on Pakistani material culture. She also helped put together modest folklore museums in organizations she has worked in, including the Allama Iqbal Open University and maintains her own collection of folk dresses and jewelry.
Dr Saeed has been actively involved in reviving Pakistani folk performance arts through organizations she has been associated with, and is also a folk dancer herself. Through the Folklore Society of Pakistan (www.folklore.com.pk) she, with her peers, re-established the trend of Marwari singing, which had almost died in Pakistan. The revival efforts of this tradition included organizing annual festivals, producing music albums and working with these hereditary musician communities to empower them. She has also worked on traditional culture and social change through Action Aid and the Interactive Resource Center.
She created a youth leadership training camp at Mehergarh: A Center for Learning, where she uses empowering aspects of traditional culture as a main theme. Mehergarh uses culture as a firm base to launch social transformation initiatives. She believes that the firmer we are rooted in our own cultural values the farther we can advance. However, she recognizes that Pakistan has progressive traditions that we need to hang on to and damaging and discriminatory traditions that we should prune in order to move ahead.
She has taught courses on Women in Folklore in the Department of Pakistan Studies, Quaid-e-Azam University as a visiting Professor.
A paper on Women in Folklore
SOUTH ASIAN FOLKLORE : A COMMON LEGACY : Exploring the Roots. Retrieving the Traditions, (September 2007)
Read at the First SAARC conference on Folklore in Delhi, 2007
‘Place of Women in Folklore : in the countries of SAARC Region’
Women in folklore is an area of study that has been well documented. In the developing countries however this sub-field has been more commonly studied from a descriptive point of view rather than an analytical point of view. My paper here is a humble attempt to do a general analysis of women’s position in the folklore of SAARC region with a simple framework. My information draws on my personal observation and experience of research over the last two decades, interviews with women from most of the SAARC countries for this paper and a quick review of the materials available. Though most of my own research is on women in folklore, it has focused on women in theatre and other entertainment roles, women and shrines and women and crafts, this paper looks at the overall positioning of women in the folklore.
My framework looks at three significant aspects:
- The first is the commonly held notion that women are the keepers of the tradition. In the folklore of the SAARC region women commonly are held responsible for family related religious rituals, rites of passage especially birth and marriage and other rituals related to celebrations, maintaining family relationships and social linkages. They are not only considered the hub for ensuring that tradition and rituals are followed but also are designated with the role of passing them on to the next generation.
- The second element of the framework is to look at the folklore around women and analyze how it facilitates women’s emancipation in the society. Folklore over the centuries has developed spaces for women, which can prove to be helpful and supportive for them. May these be in the form of rituals, folk practices or customs. In addition folklore also provides role models or icons that gives women space of acceptance for deviation or simply examples of empowered acts.
- The third aspect will analyze the folklore, which hampers women’s emancipation and becomes an impediment to their rights as a human being. Here I will also look at the role, at times folklore plays to reinforce the status quo from the point of view of the elite in a society and becomes a tool of oppression itself.
I will use examples from different SAARC countries to look at these aspects and will draw conclusions at the end.
Manganhaar Music revival
The fourth Manganhaar Music festival organized by the Folklore Society of Pakistan in Karachi. Every year there is a festival and a competition of young students of various baithaks who are learning this heritage from their elders and ustads. Dr. Fouzia Saeed is one of the founders of this Society and is very committed to bring about a revival of this form of folk music.
She with Yasser Nomann, who is the director of the Society put together this festival every year in their effort to restore the dignity and social status of these musician communities who carry this precious heritage with them. Two clips from the Festival are here for viewing. Full videos of all the festivals are available from Radio City, Islamabad, Lahore or Karachi. Visit www.folklore.org.pk.
Video Program: 01
Women as keepers of Tradition
Who we have to visit because their mother in law died last month or who do we have to pay a visit because their son passed their civil service exams, or buying of gifts for our cousin’s wedding; all this is usually reminded by wives to their husbands. They keep a tab on who is born and who died in the family. They are usually responsible for making sure that the religious rituals like puja at certain occasions, khatm-e-quran or milad is organized to thank god. They ensure that all rituals and customs are followed in every step of the wedding.
In cultures of South Asia women are the ones who keep the tradition alive by continuing to wear traditional clothes. Men in all the SAARC countries are quick to switch their clothing and mannerism to western styles but social pressure does not allow women to do the same. She is the keeper of the tradition. The society gives her the role to pass on the tradition to the next generation through her children.
In Afghanistan women are not just seen as keepers and embodiment of the tradition but also embodiment of the honour. Which in turn is reflected in many customs, reinforced by traditional phrases, songs and stories. Men can leave their turbans behind, their heavy chappals can be replaced but it doesn’t shake the honour of the family or tribe. Women however have the burden of the upkeep of the tradition, where if they leave their homes, go out and work for money, seen in public (mostly in rural areas) or bring any change in their traditional clothing are not tolerated. Not only do they violate their role as the tradition keepers and therefore seriously threaten the whole traditional culture but the fact that it is intertwined with honour gives the society a legitimate reason to reprimand them. I will discuss these forms of reprimand, which are part of the folklore and are socially widely accepted, in the next section.
Being a good woman is also an interlinked phenomenon of tradition keepers. It is the women who are given the moral burden of being good by showing compliance to the customs and tradition. Thus if Afghan women are good they have to keep themselves from the public eye because that is what good women do. Anyone who is seen in public and especially talking to a being of the opposite gender risks being bad and thus in violation of her role of tradition keeper. These norms are not as strict when we talk about urban areas, in this case Kabul but the spirit of it is very similar.
Mothers specifically are given the role of raising brave sons and obedient daughters. If that is not so the mothers are blamed for it. Fathers barely get the blame of children who do not comply to the tradition.
In Pakistan when a man wears blue jeans he is considered “cool”, educated and urban based but when a woman is seen in blue jeans she is usually considered western/modern, too outgoing, and mostly immoral. Partially it is the social pressure on women not to deviate from the tradition and partially it is the fear of the society that women might make an attempt to change the status quo. In both cases women are considered to be the hub for folklore, tradition and custom.
Aspects of Folklore that Facilitate Women’s Emancipation
Upon analysis of women in folklore in South Asian cultures it is observed that there are several elements of our folklore that are helpful to women in terms of finding their strength.
In Pakistan, mostly in area of Punjab water wells are an important part of the folklore. Women get together to fetch water as a routine activity. This for them becomes, at times, a highlight of their day; a genuine excuse for going out of the house and an opportunity to see and share stories with their friends. There are many songs and folktales that have developed around the water wells. In Nepal also water wells provide a place for women to share their happiness and sorrows.
In Afghanistan women have spaces that they utilize for themselves in a positive manner. Here also the most common are gatherings around the wells. Since water collection is typically women’s role in many parts of Afghanistan’s rural society, women use that platform for networking and getting support from each other. Similarly springs are also used for the same purpose.
Wedding parties are another significant part of the traditional culture where folklore plays its role. People’s lives may deviate from the traditional culture gradually but rites of passage are where they come back to the traditional ways of doing things. Because many activities that are in routine can be seen as inappropriate are considered quite appropriate at the wedding ceremonies, and women make use of it. This includes dressing up, singing, dancing and especially finding good partners for themselves or their children.
There are also examples of folklore and oral traditions in South Asia, which provide role models for women to be brave or empowered. For example, the popular stories of Dulla Bhatti in Punjab who helped poor girls to get married and free girls who were enslaved, or the character of Sohni Mahiwal who braved social restrictions to meet her beloved; or characters of women from folk theatre, who are often shown as brave and independent. These are not only stories but they also impact folk songs, puppet shows and other folk media. Women know about these stories and find role models and inspiration through them.
Folklore that Impedes Women’s Emancipation
Folklore also reflects social prejudices, which are deep rooted. Folklore of the SAARC countries like other parts of the world includes traditions and stories, which keep women bound by their roles and reinforce the traditional values and male dominance in the society.
One significant example is the various restrictions on women’s mobility in rural areas. The folklore legitimizes these restrictions by giving many traditional reasons such as the evil eye, danger from evil spirits or thieves or maintaining the honour of the family.
Folklore also includes traditional punishments for women who do not comply with the norms. For example, in Pakistan there are folk tales and folk songs that describe the punishments meted out to women who dishonor their families or bring shame. These punishments may be physical, social or psychological.
Honor killings and practices like “ghag” (compensation) are also supported by certain traditional narratives and customary laws, which are part of the folklore and social practice. These stories and customs create an environment where violence against women is justified or overlooked.
Similarly, in many cultures of the SAARC countries the concept of purity and pollution is deeply entrenched. Women’s bodies are seen as sources of pollution during menstruation or childbirth. These beliefs affect women’s participation in social, religious and cultural life and are deeply reinforced through folk narratives, songs and customs.
Folklore also tends to restrict women’s roles to family and domestic spheres and discourages their participation in public life or decision making.
In conclusion, the role of folklore in women’s lives in the SAARC region is complex and ambivalent. Folklore simultaneously helps women by providing support networks, role models and cultural identity, but also restricts them through enforcing traditional gender roles and supporting patriarchal control. Understanding this ambivalence is crucial for those working on women’s rights and cultural development in the region.
Women Heroes in Folklore
There have been women heroes in folklore or icons who have excelled, broken the rules, and gained admiration. These women were either real and took a special role in our folklore or were imaginary. In Punjab, both in Pakistan and India, Heer from the folk epic of Heer Ranjha provides a strong role model for women. She was courageous, openly expressed herself, and fought for what she wanted. Zarghuna Ana, mother of Ahmad Shah, and Malalai of Maiwand in Afghanistan have a legendary place in their folklore. These women are icons for wise vision, bravery, and courage.
Folklore As An Impediment To Women’s Emancipation
It is an interesting notion that at times folklore, which is romanticized, impinges on the rights of vulnerable segments of society and is used by the elite to reinforce the power status quo. This includes folk poetry which strengthens social hierarchy by showing that there are lower zaats (castes), ethnic groups, and higher ethnicities by birth; songs and phrases that put them down whenever the elite feel they are stepping out of line; and customs that “put them in their place.”
Similarly, for women there are phrases considered folk wisdom but are efforts to “put them in their place” or ensure that if they deviate from the path defined by tradition and custom, they will be humiliated, put down, or reprimanded. Examples include:
- In Pakistan and northern India:
- Aurat paon ki juti hai — A woman is the shoe you wear on your feet.
- Aurat ki aqal tukhnon mein hai — A woman’s brains are in her ankles.
- In Afghanistan and Pakistan’s Sarhad province:
- Da khuzu ze p kor ke de ya gor ke de — A woman’s place is either her home or her grave. This is to ensure she is not seen in public space.
- In Nepal:
- Swasni manchi alkako sumpati — A woman belongs to another household. This phrase implies a woman has no identity of her own and fully supports patriarchy; the word for woman actually means “wife person,” describing her only in relation to others.
Using women as a swear word is also found in folklore, where phrases put down men by comparing them to women. Examples include “He talks like a woman,” “He is a coward like a woman,” “He talks too much like a woman,” “He is indecisive like a woman,” etc.
In Pakistan and India, the phrase “Kia aurton ki tarah churian pehen li hain?” means “Why are you wearing bangles like a woman?” implying cowardice. In Nepal, a similar phrase is “Chura lagau mard hai na.”
Other traditions either keep women in socially sanctioned secondary positions or are abused to that end:
- Bhutan: A tradition called “night out” allows boys to court girls freely, but over time it has become harmful to women, resulting in pregnancies and abuse.
- Nepal: A young girl chosen as a living goddess loses her status after puberty and faces low societal status and difficulty in marriage.
- Pakistan: The custom of honor killings known as “karo kari” or “siah kari” sanctions killing men and women suspected of adultery, though mostly women are sacrificed. This practice reinforces control over women’s behavior.
- Afghanistan: The “Sawara” custom allows families to settle feuds by giving women to the other party; in Pashto it is called Sawara, and in Farsi Baad.
- Punjab, India, Pakistan: The “wata sata” tradition involves exchanging sisters in marriage to reduce dowry burdens, which can be abusive.
- Afghanistan: Similar to wata sata, the “Mukhi” tradition binds women to marry several brothers, causing hardships.
- Polygamy and Polyandry: Polygamy is common and harmful in many countries, while in northern Nepal polyandry binds women to multiple brothers, often causing abuse.
- Divorced Women: Divorcees face strong stigma in rural South Asia and are often excluded from folk rituals and social events.
- Widows: Widows are pressured to wear plain clothes, avoid makeup, and are often barred from celebrations. Practices vary but generally restrict widow’s social participation.
- Puberty: In many cultures, a girl’s first menstruation is met with seclusion and stigma rather than celebration, reinforcing notions of impurity.
- Menstruation and Purity: Women are often considered impure during menstruation and are barred from religious practices, certain shrines, and social events.
- Postpartum Practices: Women are often confined for 40 days after childbirth, sometimes in unsafe conditions leading to high infant mortality.
In conclusion, folkloric traditions have played an important role in women’s lives as keepers of culture but often have restrictive and damaging effects. Urbanization and modernization have challenged many such traditions, but social pressure remains strong. Folklore is not static; it changes with the times, politics, and social norms.
Folklore must be actively analyzed, pruned, and transformed by its people, promoting human rights and dignity rather than harmful practices. For example, in the United States, a children’s rhyme once contained a racial slur but was changed to a harmless version as awareness grew. Similarly, society should reject harmful folklore and celebrate traditions that encourage equality and harmony.
Cleaning and updating folklore is a collective responsibility to ensure it supports justice and dignity for all.